HSH211 Lecture Notes - Lecture 9: Open Data, The Who, Comparator

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27 May 2018

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How does Australia’s health care syste copare iteratioally

Frameworks for comparative analysis

In any analysis, the first thing to remember is that analysis is comparative. Therefore we need to ask

'How good is X, compared to Y'?

Often, the comparator is historical- this is what we do in a before and after study design. For

example 'Were the outcomes better after the change compared to before? In health analysis, we

often do this when we look at the change in health outcomes over time 'Was the use of hospital

emergency department higher after a change in out of pocket costs to see a GP? 'Was access to

specialists in rural areas increased after the incentive payment policy began?

The other common comparator is contemporary ie. The time outcomes are measured is the same,

by comparing to a different group or population. This is what we do in randomised controlled trials;

it is also what we do in international comparisons of health care systems.

One thing to remember in an analysis is that your comparison needs to bear in mind that there may

be other things that differ between the two groups being compared. This is what people mean when

they talk about comparing apples and oranges. Apples and oranges are not the same thing, but they

are both fruit. If we were comparing them on colour outcomes then that analysis would be

substantially biased by their initial differences. But if we were comparing them on taste or nutrient

content then the analysis may be useful, but we would want to explicitly account for or at least

describe initial differences that may affect the comparative analysis results.

For health care systems, the world health organisation has developed a framework and has already

used this framework to describe and compared the health care systems of most of the countries for

the world. So it seems silly not to use the same one this week. We will do this below.

The WHO framework: 6 building blocks

The world health organisations 6 building blocks are the foundation of the HWO health systems

framework. This framework was introduced in WHO'S 2000 world health report, which focused on

the importance of health care systems and which presented the largest international health care

system comparative analysis ever conducted. Australia came 2nd in the world in terms of average

health outcomes, but once other factors were considered (included superior wealth), we were

ranked 32nd overall.

Summary

• We compare Australia's performance to that of other countries as a way of assessing how well

Australia is doing

• International comparisons need a common framework, and the WHO health systems

framework provides this

• Any health system can be described in terms of the 'six building blocks'

• Comparing performance needs data on recent outcomes; open data resources can provide this

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Document Summary

How does australia"s health care syste(cid:373) co(cid:373)pare i(cid:374)ter(cid:374)atio(cid:374)ally. In any analysis, the first thing to remember is that analysis is comparative. Often, the comparator is historical- this is what we do in a before and after study design. The other common comparator is contemporary ie. the time outcomes are measured is the same, by comparing to a different group or population. This is what we do in randomised controlled trials; it is also what we do in international comparisons of health care systems. One thing to remember in an analysis is that your comparison needs to bear in mind that there may be other things that differ between the two groups being compared. This is what people mean when they talk about comparing apples and oranges. Apples and oranges are not the same thing, but they are both fruit. If we were comparing them on colour outcomes then that analysis would be substantially biased by their initial differences.

Related Questions

Can you summarize this article and wrtite down some important points regarding GDP?

NEW YORK â Striving to revive the world economy while simultaneously responding to the global climate crisis has raised a knotty question: are statistics giving us the right âsignalsâ about what to do? In our performance-oriented world, measurement issues have taken on increased importance: what we measure affects what we do. If we have poor measures, what we strive to do (say, increase GDP) may actually contribute to a worsening of living standards. We may also be confronted with false choices, seeing trade-offs between output and environmental protection that donât exist. By contrast, a better measure of economic performance might show that steps taken to improve the environment are good for the economy. Eighteen months ago, French President Nicolas Sarkozy established an international Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress, owing to his dissatisfaction â and that of many others â with the current state of statistical information about the economy and society. On September 14, the Commission will issue its long-awaited report. The big question concerns whether GDP provides a good measure of living standards. In many cases, GDP statistics seem to suggest that the economy is doing far better than most citizensâ own perceptions. Moreover, the focus on GDP creates conflicts: political leaders are told to maximize it, but citizens also demand that attention be paid to enhancing security, reducing air, water, and noise pollution, and so forth â all of which might lower GDP growth. The fact that GDP may be a poor measure of well-being, or even of market activity, has, of course, long been recognized. But changes in society and the economy may have heightened the problems, at the same time that advances in economics and statistical techniques may have provided opportunities to improve our metrics. For example, while GDP is supposed to measure the value of output of goods and services, in one key sector â government â we typically have no way of doing it, so we often measure the output simply by the inputs. If government spends more â even if inefficiently â output goes up. In the last 60 years, the share of government output in GDP has increased from 21.4% to 38.6% in the US, from 27.6% to 52.7% in France, from 34.2% to 47.6% in the United Kingdom, and from 30.4% to 44.0% in Germany. So what was a relatively minor problem has now become a major one. Likewise, quality improvements â say, better cars rather than just more cars â account for much of the increase in GDP nowadays. But assessing quality improvements is difficult. Health care exemplifies this problem: much of medicine is publicly provided, and much of the advances are in quality. The same problems in making comparisons over time apply to comparisons across countries. The United States spends more on health care than any other country (both per capita and as a percentage of income), but gets poorer outcomes. Part of the difference between GDP per capita in the US and some European countries may thus be a result of the way we measure things. Another marked change in most societies is an increase in inequality. This means that there is increasing disparity between average (mean) income and the median income (that of the âtypicalâ person, whose income lies in the middle of the distribution of all incomes). If a few bankers get much richer, average income can go up, even as most individualsâ incomes are declining. So GDP per capita statistics may not reflect what is happening to most citizens. We use market prices to value goods and services. But now, even those with the most faith in markets question reliance on market prices, as they argue against mark-to-market valuations. The pre-crisis profits of banks â onethird of all corporate profits â appear to have been a mirage. This realization casts a new light not only on our measures of performance, but also on the inferences we make. Before the crisis, when US growth (using standard GDP measures) seemed so much stronger than that of Europe, many Europeans argued that Europe should adopt US-style capitalism. Of course, anyone who wanted to could have seen American householdsâ growing indebtedness, which would have gone a long way toward correcting the false impression of success given by the GDP statistic. Recent methodological advances have enabled us to assess better what contributes to citizensâ sense of well-being, and to gather the data needed to make such assessments on a regular basis. These studies, for instance, verify and quantify what should be obvious: the loss of a job has a greater impact than can be accounted for just by the loss of income. They also demonstrate the importance of social connectedness. Any good measure of how well we are doing must also take account of sustainability. Just as a firm needs to measure the depreciation of its capital, so, too, our national accounts need to reflect the depletion of natural resources and the degradation of our environment. Statistical frameworks are intended to summarize what is going on in our complex society in a few easily interpretable numbers. It should have been obvious that one couldnât reduce everything to a single number, GDP. The report by the Commission on the Measurement of Economic Performance and Social Progress will, one hopes, lead to a better understanding of the uses, and abuses, of that statistic. GDP Fetishism - Project Syndicate 2/8/10 4:05 PM http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/stiglitz116/English Page 2 of 3 The report should also provide guidance for creating a broader set of indicators that more accurately capture both well-being and sustainability; and it should provide impetus for improving the ability of GDP and related statistics to assess the performance of the economy and society. Such reforms will help us direct our efforts (and resources) in ways that lead to improvement in both. Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2009. www.project-syndicate.org Reprinting material from this website without written consent from Project Syndicate is a violation of international copyright law. To secure permission, please contact [email protected]. tvselvakumaran 05:30 30 Sep 09 The official consensus Professor Martin Feldstein's latest article, "The G-20's Empty Promises" on Project Syndicate needs careful consideration. In his article, Professor Feldstein essentially adopts the "official consensus" of the economics profession on the current economic crisis. This official consensus, in its various mainfestations, has also been elaborated on by other famous economists, notably Professor Robert Lucas in his article in the Economist in early August, and by Professor Paul Krugman in his recent article in the New York Times Magazine. One characterizing feature of this official consensus is a confidence (a.k.a. triumphalism) in the certainty of outcomes predicted by modern economic theory. The main precepts of this official consensus are (i) Professor Ben Bernanke, the Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, has at his disposal all the theoretical tools of economics that are necessary and sufficient to deal with the current economic crisis. As Professor Lucas explains it in his Economist article, if one were able to predict in advance exactly when a market crash would occur, it would imply that the market entertains arbritrage opportunities. Hence, it is not possible to predict financial crises in advance. However, except for the precise timing of the occurrence of financial crises, macroeconomic theory could explain the workings of the economy completely. In particular, to avert the recurrence of the Great Depression, certain actions were needed to be taken by the Fed -- the specifics of these actions were all clearly understood by the economics profession. However, it was politically untenable to take these actions before there was a financial crisis. Once the financial crisis occurred though, Professor Bernanke could intervene in the markets and take the necessary actions (in the Fall of 2008). These actions include the injection of several trillion dollars into the economy and making the availability of credit the cheapest possible. The actions taken by the Fed have now resulted in the economy avoiding a recurrence of the Great Depression. This is, in brief, what Professor Lucas has stated in his Economist article. (ii) Thus in Professor Lucas' interpretation of things, the collapse of Lehman Brothers, for example, was necessary, in order to justify the intervention of the Federal Reserve in the functioning of the markets. The collapse of Lehman Brothers was, although regrettable, an unavoidable event. But, on the whole, monetary policy, even if it is a profligate one, would be necessary and sufficient to prevent the recurrence of the Great Depression, in Professor Lucas' view. Furthermore, the old wisdom of the Chicago School that government should be kept minimal at all times continues to hold, even in light of the current economic crisis. The Keynesians led by Professor Krugman, on the other hand, believe that Lehman Brothers should never have been allowed to fail. In their view, when the Fed's fund rate is at zero, monetary policy is largely ineffective for sustaining and stimulating economic activity. This is because of liquidity traps caused by businessmen who don't see economic opportunities that would induce them to borrow the cheap money available from the banks. Hence the government should step in to provide massive fiscal assistance to the economy by taking on spending directly, even if it means assuming trillions of dollars of public debt. (iii) Professor Krugman scored a lot of points by pointing out that the current state of economic theory, highly influenced as it is by the efficient market hypothesis of the Chicago School, indicated that a crisis of such magnitude as the current economic crisis could not happen at all. This fundamental failure to recognize that an enormous crisis could indeed happen, calls for the overthrow of the policy that markets provide the best social gain when they are completely free from government interference. From first impressions, it might seem that the views of the monetarists and Keynesians are vastly different. However, it is important to note that in the view of the Keynesians too, once large scale government spending as prescribed by the Keynesians is instituted, there is again enough assurance that modern economic theory (although with a heavy Keynesian tilt) would be sufficient to deal with the current economic crisis. (iv) In this regard, perhaps it is relevant to refer here to Professor Robert Shiller's latest article, "Re-inventing Economics" on Project Syndicate. Professor Shiller points out that the free market ideology fails to identify bubbles. Because of the belief that markets know best on all occasions, bubbles cannot occur according to the free market ideology. Professor Shiller's approach pursues a different branch of the Keynesian school of thought than the big spenders. Rather than advocate large government spending to avert a depression, Professor Shiller proposes using techniques from behavioral psychology to predict bubbles in advance. In this way, the socially harmful effects of massive misallocations of capital that arose in the case of the housing bubble or the tech bubble could be prevented in the future. In his other recent article, "Echo Chamber of Boom and Bust" in the New York Times, Professor Shiller elaborates further on the techniques that one could use for studying bubbles. Briefly, the process by which confidence or panic spreads in markets is very similar to the process by which diseases spread among populations. This outlook allows for introducing methods that scientists use to study epidemics into the study of bubbles. (v) The Keynesians have also managed to re-write the conventional wisdom on the advantages of a strong dollar. Through the works of Professors Barry Eichengreen, Jeffrey Sachs and Ben Bernnake, a consensus has developed that attempting to support the gold standard was a major cause for the prolongation of the Great Depression. This has resulted in a viewpoint among economists that a devaluation of the dollar at present would help to reduce global imbalances by restoring the American manufacturing industry. The implications of this viewpoint were analyzed by Professor Feldstein in his July 2009 article "America's Saving Rate and the Dollar's Future" on Project Syndicate, with the conclusion that devaluation of the dollar would necessarily lead to a better future for GDP Fetishism - Project Syndicate 2/8/10 4:05 PM http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/stiglitz116/English Page 3 of 3 America. Lost in this new interpretation is the fact that a stable dollar provides many economic benefits for America. The equity premium for American companies taking more risks globally, the transaction charges for providing market making facilities in global markets, and the provisions of liquidity for the currency of international trade are major drivers of economic growth for America, which derive from the dollar being the global reserve currency. (vi) Some other Keynesians have gone beyond questioning just the free market ideology. For example, in his latest article, "GDP Fetishism" on Project Syndicate, Professor Joseph Stiglitz proposes a broad set of economic indicators like health, well-being and sustainability rather than a narrow focus on GDP growth. Yet other developments imply that the rest of the world is steadily moving away from using the dollar as the main reserve currency. To finance this new global reserve system, the IMF has created $250 billion worth of Special Drawing Rights (SDR), and the IMF has indicated its intention to triple this allocation of $250 billion in the future. It would need a strong commitment from the policy-makers in America to re-claim for the dollar its position as the predominant global reserve currency. However, judging from the writings of American economists like Professor Feldstein, it appears that the consensus among professional economists favors devaluing the dollar instead. (vii) The official consensus is a result of a grand compromise between the Chicago School economists and the Keynesians.The conservative economists of the Chicago School would like to avoid the embarassment of getting publicly criticized for the failures of the efficient market hypothesis that this current economics crisis has severely exposed. So famous conservative economists like Professor Lucas have reached out for a consensus by indicating their willingness for a compromise. This compromise involves among other things, (a) foregoing raising concerns about the government's mismanagement of Fanie Mae and Freddie Mac, and (b) lending support to the Fed and the Treasury in their efforts to stabilize the economy, even if the methods that the Fed and the Treasury employ are highly inefficient. What are the Keynesians compromising on? Well, the Western liberal tradition has been intellectually bankrupt ever since the late 1960s. It is only the free market ideology of the Chicago School that has served as the driver of wealth creation in the advanced countries during the last four decades. Hence, the official consensus is a convenient compromise for the Keynesians to avoid asking difficult questions about the future of the Western liberal tradition. Instead, they would like to enact much drama in the media about the resurrection of their hero, John Maynard Keynes. (viii) One other characterizing feature of the official consensus in the economics profession is a collective tendency to "Blame It All On Obama". The conservative economists blame President Obama for not focusing adequately on America's ballooning national debt. The liberals, led by Professor Krugman, fault President Obama for getting distracted from the left's free spending ways by concerns on the size of the fiscal deficit. In the confusion that has ensued, President Obama's own team of economics advisors has fallen back on the official consensus in the economics profession. Availing themselves of the security provided by this official consensus, President Obama's economics team has misled the President thoroughly in economic matters. To begin with, the President is only empowered to administer the nation's affairs for a four year term. The projections put out by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) for the deficits in the next decade are only a non-authoritative guidance for where the nation's finances would be, if current policies hold for the next decade. Instead, the democrats have been behaving as if the $9 trillion of additional public debt that the CBO projects for the next decade is already a given certainty. In particular, they have not been careful to mention clearly in public discussions how much of this extra spending can be attributed to the President's own spending plans in his current four-year term. Neither have they shown any concerns for taking the Fed and the Treasury to taks for their highly inefficient methods to stabilize the economy. Because of these instances of neglect, the public is not willing to trust the government in financial matters. President Obama has rapidly lost his approval ratings. Professor Lawrence Summers, Professor Christina Romer, Professor Austan Goolsbee and Professor Peter Orszag are directly responsible for this abuse of public trust. (ix) The official consensus has also prevented economists from recognizing that President Obama's universal message of tolerance and justice, which has been received very favorably all around the world, actually opens up vast areas of economic opportunity for America. Unfortunately, it does not matter, for the economists, whether George W. Bush or Barack Obama is in office. The most they can do is re-work their models to favor Keynesian policies, and to argue that the policies they propose arise directly from their number-crunching methods. One might be tempted to attribute this widespread consensus among economists to stick to a narrow theoretical interpretation of the current economic crisis, to the certainty afforded by the mathematical models, which have become indispensible through the course of the 20th century, for the development of economic theory. However, this would be a big mistake. The official consensus in the economics profession is primarily a result of undue influences of power and money. It is much less a result of mathematically based economic theory. In the longterm, this attitude among economists of sticking to an official consensus is going to do serious damage to the American economy. Some other aspects of the official consensus have been explained very well by Professor Kenneth Rogoff in his recent article, "The Confidence Game" on Project Syndicate. I recommend that the reader go through that article. The official consensus is the single largest threat to a robust recovery in the global economy. The official consensus also gravely misinterprets the events of the Great Depression. The implications of this misinterpretation bear directly on the economic health of America.

CASE STUDY

It used to be that epidemiologists at the CDC only knew that you had the flu when you visited your doctor and the doc- tor then reported that information to other agencies. By the time this information made its way to the CDC or state health departments, it was often several days old, which meant that the medical community was always playing catch-up. And of course, your doctor was only aware of your illness if you showed up at his office, not when you decided to tough it out at home. Nowadays, however, before you ever go to the doc- tor, you are likely to search the Internet for âflu symptoms,â tweet your suddenly declining health status, or Instagram yourself lying in bed. Study the case below, which shows how the Internet and social media have impacted the field of epi- demiology, and then answer the questions that follow.

Google Used to Predict Influenza Outbreaksâ2008

In 2008, Google launched Google Flu Trends, an applica- tion that compiles aggregated data from key word searches

for clinical terms, such as thermometer, chest congestion, muscle aches, or flu symptoms. Google reports the data on a website, which then provides an early-warning system for the locations of new flu outbreaks. Because the data are collected from searches performed each day, trends in flu symptoms become apparent much more quickly than when they are based on data reported during office vis- its or in lab reports from physicians around the country. When the CDC compared actual cases over the course of a year with Googleâs findings, the data from the two sources matched.

Initially, Google was only compiling information about flu trends in the United States and Canada. But after the H1N1 virus appeared in Mexico in 2009, the CDC asked Google to go back and look at Internet searches conducted by people in Mexico during that time. Evaluation of the data indicated that Google detected an uptick several days before the CDC did (Figure 23.1).

1,200 1,000 800 600 400 200 0

Influenza activity

1113151719212325272931 2 4 6 8 1012141618202224262830 2

Suspected Confirmed

Mar

Apr

May

Date of illness onset

Intense

High Moderate

Low Minimal

Jul Aug Sep

Oct Nov

Dec Jan

Feb Mar

Apr May Jun

Figure 23.1 2009 Inflenza activity (a) Data from the Centers for Disease Control, based on physical examination by health care providers, shows a peak in influenza cases in late April. (b) Google âFlu Trendsâ shows an influenza peak in February.

No. of cases

Case Study Exercise 23 Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report 199

Epidemic tracking based on Internet searches reflects what is called collective intelligence. It works because indi- viduals using their personal computers tend to search for terms related to their immediate needs and intentions, and they generally do this before presenting in a doctorâs office or emergency room. The methodology used in the Google search was published in the prestigious science journal Nature, and another independent study has been published about a similar search analysis conducted by Yahoo, showing that it was effective in predicting flu trends.

Some people worry that data collected from Internet searches may compromise individualsâ privacy. However,

Google maintains that Flu Trends cannot be used to iden- tify individual users because the data are anonymous and are aggregated before being presented. Another potential drawback is that this data collection method is less likely to be useful for tracking epidemics in societies having a low percentage of computer ownership, namely, developing countries. However, considering the high stakes involved in identifying an epidemic quickly, Internet search term analy- sis holds great promise for public health. And, unlike most health innovations, itâs free!

3. How might data collected in this way not be representative of a particular population?

4. Explain why the two graphs in Figure 23.1 do not show influenza activity peaking at the same time.

6. In 2013, Google Flu Trends vastly overestimated the number of cases of the flu in the United States. One explanation for this was that there was a greater than usual number of media reports about influenza early in the flu season. Based on your knowledge of how Flu Trends works, explain why Google missed the mark in 2013

cyanyellowjacket531

Case Study #3

TO WAL-MART OR NOT TO WAL-MART?

Wal-Mart is a $250-billion-a-year retailer. Eighty two percent of U.S. households made a

Wal-Mart purchase in 2002. It is the largest company in the world with a global

workforce of 1.4 million. Where Wal-Mart competes the average grocery prices are 14%

lower. In the past it was General Motors, IBM and other companies that were considered

to be the leaders in industry and the ones to watch. Now it is Wal-Mart that is being

studied in universities around the world.

At Wal-Mart, cost is king. Costs are kept low and this translates into goods being sold

for less. The entire organization is focused on reducing costs and passing those savings

on to the consumer. This allows poor people to buy food and other necessities that they

otherwise might not be able to afford. In the U.S. it dominates sales in a number of

categories : 32% of disposable diapers, 30% of hair products, 26% of toothpaste, 20% of

pet food and 13% of textiles.

Wal-Mart simply has developed the most efficient methods for operating their business.

Their inventory management, through a network of scanners, computers, and at-the-ready

suppliers, makes it the leader in successful turnover of inventory. How can we blame

Wal-Mart for being the efficient cost conscious giant that it is?

The Wal-Mart phenomenon has occurred at the same time that high-paying skilled jobs

are being lost in the manufacturing sector. When these jobs are lost, the alternative often

means being employed at Wal-Mart at a much lower pay scale with reduced benefits

such as medical insurance. Its labor costs are twenty percent less than those at

unionized supermarkets, and sales clerks make less, on average, than the federal poverty

level ($8.50 an hour).

Barbara Ehrenreich* has described the problems faced by the under class, such

as waitresses and Wal-Mart employees. They barely survive on a day-to-day basis, living

from hand to mouth, with no reserves, no safety net, no medical insurance and almost no

prospect of improving their positions in life.

The loss of manufacturing jobs has affected the lifestyles of many people. What they see

is the reality of reduced opportunity with a permanent reduction in wages and standards

of living. They are trapped in a new marketplace, with diminishing expectations and few

alternatives to shopping at Wal-Mart. This is a change in our American culture--the

dreams have now been down-sized.

Is Wal-Mart the hero or the culprit? After all, low prices, competition, and growth have

all been mantras that Americans have been chanting all of our lives. We were

told that if you built a better mouse trap, everyone would come to you. Well, Wal-Mart

has built a better mouse trap. Is there any logic in our looking at Wal-Mart as a

contributor to the loss of some our middle class or is it just jealousy and sour grapes?

For one thing, its hard line on costs has forced many factories to move overseas.

Wal-Mart imported most of the items it sells. Environmental standards

are lower in these countries where these goods are manufactured than they are in the

U.S. This probably results in increased health issues and costs. In addition, shipment of

goods many thousands of miles to their ultimate destinations, involve utilizing the

worldâs limited oil resources. When you add up all this, the cost of the goods may be

greater than if they were produced in this country.

Another issue is that Wal-Mart is a non-union employer paying wages that are below the

poverty level, with minimal health insurance coverage. As many employees cannot

afford the co-payment required for doctors office visits, when a medical crisis occurs they

are forced to use the emergency room facilities of local hospitals. The result is that the

community bears the direct cost of their medical treatment and the indirect, as well as

ancillary costs such as diminished work capacity, child care, etc.

There are other economic ramifications to the Wal-Mart explosion. When Wal-Mart

arrives in a town, âmain streetâ erodes. Neighborhood stores that used to provide goods,

services and paid their workers well, are eliminated, uprooting families and ways of life

in the process. The Wal-Mart decision to saturate Oklahoma City, resulted in the closure

of 30 supermarkets.

If Americans shop with price being the only factor that determines where they

purchase their goods, doesnât this mean the permanent down-sizing of our standard of

living? How can the local retail establishment survive when they canât compete with a

Wal-Mart? Look at what has happened to the local supermarket, bookstore, hardware

and clothing store. The demise of these small business constitutes the loss of a middle

class of society in a community. We need to think: As consumers are we better off

paying a little more to enable the local merchants and their families to survive in order to

preserve the character of our communities and society or should we concern ourselves

with price only?

HERE IS YOUR DILEMMA:

You are the mayor of a small city in the West. You canât worry about the 4,700 workers

at IBM and the other workers at technology companies who lost their jobs. Your problem

is a more local one.

A Wal-Mart representative has approached you about the possibility of building a super-

store within your city limits. The store would serve communities within a twenty-five mile

radius. The land that they intend to build upon would require new zoning. Wal-Mart

would expect a certain amount of property tax and other relief. If your city does not

want a super-store, you are certain that one of the other towns close-by would be happy

to accommodate their needs.

What studies would you require before deciding which way to vote? What ramifications

do you foresee with this new super-store? What would you ask of Wal-Mart before

agreeing to their request? How much input would you seek from the residents of your

city

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HSH211 Lecture Notes - Lecture 9: Open Data, The Who, Comparator

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